Volume 33, Issue 1: Paper 2
Divine Divides and Economic Differentials: Investigating the Impact of Religious Affiliation and Participation on Gender and Wage Disparities in American Society
Sosina Gebremichael, American University
In recent discourse, the pervasive influence of religion on social norms, particularly concerning the roles and expectations of men and women, has been a subject of intense debate, even amidst reports suggesting a global decline in religiosity. This influence is especially notable in the United States, where religion not only continues to shape cultural and political divides but also manifests in significant ways within various critical institutions. The presence of a House Chaplain in Congress, the motto “In God We Trust” on the national currency, the emphasis on religious values in Supreme Court nomination hearings, and the increasing integration of religious provisions in workplaces underscore the deep entrenchment of religion in American societal and organizational structures. Parallel to this, the intersection of religion and economic outcomes, specifically the correlation between religious affiliation, participation, and wage disparities, has emerged as a critical area of study. This exploration is particularly relevant in the context of three predominant religious groups in the United States: Mainline Protestants (MP), Conservative Protestants (CP), and Catholics. Research indicates that religious participation correlates with several socioeconomic indicators, including education, health, family formation, and wealth accumulation. However, the relationship between the frequency of religious service attendance and wage levels remains an area ripe for further exploration, especially considering the nuances across different religious affiliations and genders.
To delve deeper into this issue, this study examines the within-religion association between frequency of religious service attendance and wage rates among the major U.S. religious groups. By categorizing religious attendance into four levels—weekly, more than weekly, less than weekly, and none—it becomes possible to detect potential nonlinearities in the relationship between religious participation and wage rates. This analysis is crucial not only for understanding the differences between religious groups but also for examining gender differentials within these groups. Furthermore, this research contributes to the broader discourse by exploring how gender, in conjunction with religious affiliation and participation, impacts the gender wage gap across various sectors and industries in the United States. It also considers the roles of other intersecting variables, such as geographic location, in potentially moderating or amplifying the effects of religiosity on the gender wage gap. This multifaceted approach aims to provide a more comprehensive understanding of the complex interplay between religion, gender, and economic outcomes in contemporary society.
II. Literature Review
A. The Context
The gender wage gap in the United States, although mitigated to some extent by legislative measures such as the 1963 Equal Pay Act, persists as a complex phenomenon deeply embedded within the socio-economic fabric. As of 2020, women still earn a mere 82 cents for every dollar earned by men, underscoring the resilience of this inequity (U.S. Census Bureau 2021). Researchers have dissected this wage gap into various dimensions, seeking to understand its underlying complexities. It has been separated into “explained” and “unexplained” components, considering variables such as education, experience, and occupational choices (Blau and Kahn 2000). However, an unattributed residual suggests potential systemic discrimination. Research highlights how the gap intensifies at higher income levels, attributed to the “greedy professions” hypothesis, which postulates that roles demanding longer, inflexible hours are not only remunerated disproportionately but are also indirectly gendered, given that women disproportionately shoulder household responsibilities (Goldin 2021). This wage gap is further complicated when considering race and gender intersectionality, as women of color experience even greater disparities (Collins 1990). The concept of the “motherhood penalty” expands the debate to family structures and societal expectations (Budig and England 2001). In contrast to neoclassical explanations rooted in Becker’s human capital theory (1964), the “statistical discrimination” model argues that incomplete information leads to employers using gender as a heuristic, perpetuating the gap (Phelps 1972). Recent research emphasizes institutional factors like social norms and implicit biases in wage-setting mechanisms (Blau 2017).
Religiosity, a multifaceted phenomenon encompassing beliefs, practices, and devotion, holds a pivotal position in society (Durkheim 1912). Classic theories see religion as a force for social cohesion, reinforcing moral boundaries and normative frameworks (Durkheim 1912). In contrast, religion is characterized as a tool of social control (Marx 1844). Certain religious beliefs, like Protestantism, are suggested to cultivate a work ethic conducive to economic success (Weber 1905). Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of “religious capital” expands our understanding, encompassing the influence of religious affiliations and networks on educational and employment outcomes (Urban 2003). Examining religious demographics in the United States, data from the Pew Research Center in 2020 reveals the enduring significance of religiosity (Pew Research Center 2021).
In various religious traditions, gender-based differentiation is influenced by the level of religiosity one adheres to (Appleton 2011; Csinos 2010). This results in women reinterpreting equality within the context of their respective religions (McBaine 2012). While some argue that religious communities offer equitable spaces where both genders’ contributions are valued (Munir 2002; Tsomo 2007), historical precedent suggests otherwise, with women often occupying marginalized positions within many religious traditions (Bielefeldt 2013). Religious contexts may promote benevolent sexism, idealizing women who adhere to prescribed norms (Glick et al. 2016) and religiosity can perpetuate patriarchal beliefs, often invoking divine justification for gender differentiation (Choudhury 2015). This can reinforce stereotypical gender expectations, impacting wage allocation and perpetuating discrimination (Joshi et al. 2015).
The influence of religiosity on workplace attitudes and behaviors is complex. Highly religious individuals often exhibit prosocial behaviors, enhancing job satisfaction and ethical conduct (Bal and Kokalan 2021). However, conflicts can arise when religious convictions clash with workplace policies (Heyden and Mona 2021). Religious affiliations may also perpetuate traditional gender roles, limiting women’s access to high-paying positions (Seguino 2011).
In the context of this study, the concept of intersectionality, as originally articulated by Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989), holds profound significance. It provides a powerful framework to comprehend wage disparities, shedding light on how multiple factors intersect and magnify the gender wage gap. For instance, women of color often find themselves at the intersection of two distinct forms of discrimination – gender and racial identity (Choo and Ferree 2010) and their experiences reflect a “double disadvantage,” where these intersecting identities compound the challenges they face in the workforce. This perspective underscores the critical need to explore how gender and religiosity intersect within the intricate fabric of wage disparities across diverse sectors in the United States and how other interaction variables may either mitigate or exacerbate the influence of religiosity on the gender wage gap.
B. Gender and Wage
The persistence of the gender wage gap has been a subject of extensive research, with scholars offering varying perspectives on its underlying causes. While some studies emphasize structural inequalities as the primary driver of the wage gap, others consider individual choices and labor market dynamics as significant contributing factors. The analysis highlights the enduring presence of the gender wage gap even after accounting for human capital differences such as education, occupation, and experience, suggesting that structural inequalities continue to exert a substantial influence on wage disparities within the labor market (Blau and Kahn 2017). Similarly, systemic gender discrimination and bias are argued to be responsible for the wage gap, emphasizing the role of broader societal factors (Altonji and Blank 1999).
Research delves into the dynamics of the gender gap in specific industries, revealing how persistent inequalities manifest among young professionals, illuminating the ongoing prevalence of gender-based wage differentials within specific sectors (Bertrand, Goldin, and Katz 2010). An exploration of the gender wage gap across various occupations provides a detailed analysis of how disparities vary by job type, underscoring that while discrimination remains a pervasive issue, occupational segregation also plays a substantial role in perpetuating wage disparities (Hegewisch and Williams-Baron 2019). However, a divergent perspective underscores the significance of women’s career choices and preferences in shaping the wage gap, aligning with the human capital theory, which posits that individuals make rational choices based on their preferences and constraints (Goldin 2014).
Nonetheless, it is crucial to recognize that the gender wage gap cannot be solely attributed to discrimination or individual choices. Societal expectations and workplace policies contribute to wage disparities, especially for women who become mothers, illustrating the “wage penalty for motherhood” (Deming 2022). Research reveals trends in wage profiles, with married women with children earning less than their childless counterparts, while married men with children often earn more (Polachek 2004). The role of religion in influencing societal ideologies that shape these disparities cannot be overlooked, especially among couples with more traditional beliefs (Keen 2008).
C. Religiosity and Wage
Numerous studies have revealed a positive correlation between participation in religious services and a wide range of favorable socioeconomic outcomes, including higher levels of education, improved health, increased longevity, stable marriages, and greater wealth (Lehrer 2010; Keister 2011). While these studies typically treated religious participation as either a binary or continuous variable, later research has taken a nuanced approach by examining religious participation in a manner that allows for the detection of nonlinearity. It has been suggested that at high levels of religious participation, the effects may turn adverse. Data from the 2000–2001 National Jewish Population Survey introduced dummy variables to account for varying levels of participation, showing that the impact of religious participation on earnings displayed a nonlinear pattern (Chiswick and Huang 2008). Specifically, individuals who attended religious services weekly had significantly higher earnings compared to those attending less frequently. However, individuals who attended religious services more often than weekly experienced lower earnings than their weekly counterparts. This observation was interpreted as a reflection of time scarcity, as an individual’s limited time can be allocated to either religious services or labor market activities. Additionally, high levels of religious participation may lead to “self-imposed restrictions” that negatively affect earnings, including occupational choices, place of residence, work location, and workdays. These restrictions likely exert similar adverse effects on wages for other religious groups with high levels of participation.
Other studies have also developed methodologies to estimate the causal impact of religious participation on socioeconomic outcomes. They have found that religious participation positively influences factors such as marital stability, educational attainment, income (Gruber 2005), reduced levels of alcohol and drug use (Gruber and Hungerman 2008), and increased levels of happiness (Cohen-Zada and Sander 2008).
Analysis suggests a potential negative effect, particularly for CP women, extending beyond the influence of education and labor market experience. In Conservative Protestant households, there exists a greater imbalance in the division of household labor, with wives dedicating more time to domestic work. To the extent that increased household responsibilities reduce energy available for market work, it may lead to lower job productivity and wages. For these effects that operate through mechanisms other than education and experience, religious affiliation during adulthood becomes more relevant than childhood affiliation (Ellison and Bartkowski 2002).
D. Sector and Wage Gap
Occupational choices significantly contribute to the gender wage gap, which is evident across various job categories (Lips 2012). This gap is influenced by horizontal segregation, where men and women tend to work in different professions, and it is exacerbated by disparities in wages based on gender composition within occupations (The Council of Economic Advisers 1998). In capitalist societies, labor force roles often favor men, with research showing that a 10 percent increase in the number of men in an occupation corresponds to a 1.3 percent wage increase (Thompson 2006). Even in fields traditionally associated with women, men tend to earn higher wages (Giapponi and McEvoy 2005-2006).
The public sector has historically been a preferred employment option for women and minorities due to its commitment to universalistic recruitment, promotion, and reward criteria. This sector offers more secure employment practices, centralized pay structures, and effective enforcement of affirmative action policies (Grimshaw 2000). Moreover, the public sector provides greater occupational opportunities for women, especially in professional roles, where the gender pay gap tends to be smaller compared to the private sector (Cotter et al. 2004). Research across multiple countries consistently shows that the gender pay gap is narrower in the public sector (Arulampalam et al. 2007 and Melly 2005).
Despite these advantages, variations in the extent of the public sector’s benefits for women exist across countries, with the size of the public sector playing a crucial role. In countries with smaller public sectors, women experience more significant economic advantages by working in the public sector. This phenomenon is particularly pronounced in the United States, where the public sector employs less than one-fifth of the workforce (Gornick and Jacobs 1998; Brock 2001).
III. Conceptual Framework
Religious participation exerts a complex influence on wages through two primary mechanisms. Firstly, it can be beneficial, offering social capital through community networks, promoting healthy behaviors, and providing psychological well-being (Ellison and George 1994). This positive impact is rooted in the support and guidance that religious communities offer, which can be particularly valuable in times of personal or professional turmoil, aiding in job market navigation. However, high levels of religious involvement may impose limitations on earning potential, as it often requires trade-offs between time spent in religious activities and labor market engagement.
Secondly, religious participation enhances the effects of specific religious affiliations on economic outcomes. This is particularly evident in how different faiths approach work, education, and family roles. For example, CPs often face wage impacts due to their unique perspectives on science and education, as well as their emphasis on traditional family roles, which can affect occupational choices and gender wage gaps (Glass and Jacobs 2005).
The relationship between religious participation and wages is not linear or uniform across all religious groups (Keister 2003). Moderate religious involvement generally correlates with positive wage outcomes across different faiths, attributed to the aforementioned social, health, and psychological benefits. However, when religious engagement becomes excessively time-consuming, it can detract from labor market activities, potentially hampering income growth.
Moreover, the specific doctrines and cultural norms of different religious groups, such as CPs, Catholics, and MPs, lead to diverse impacts on wages. While MPs often serve as a benchmark in socioeconomic studies, showing neutral effects of religious participation on wages, Catholics and CPs exhibit varied outcomes due to differences in their religious teachings and cultural practices.
In essence, while religious participation can offer substantial benefits in terms of social support and healthy lifestyles, which positively influence wages, high levels of involvement and specific religious doctrines can impose economic trade-offs. These impacts are nuanced and differ significantly across various religious affiliations, influenced by their unique stances on education, work, and family life. This intricate relationship underscores the importance of considering both the level and nature of religious participation when analyzing its economic implications.
IV. Data and Sample Selection
This research utilized data from the National Longitudinal Surveys of 1979, a comprehensive dataset capturing a cross-section of American individuals born between 1957 and 1964. This group consisted of 12,686 individuals aged 14-22 during their first interview in 1979. The research was undertaken at the National Opinion Research Center at the University of Chicago and the Center for Human Resource Research at Ohio State University. Interviews were conducted yearly from 1979 to 1994 and every two years subsequently. The surveys gathered in-depth data on religious practices, specifically denominational affiliations and frequency of service attendance, particularly in 1982, 2000, and 2012. The study’s analysis included various factors such as wages, education, employment status, and demographic details, using data from the survey years 1982, 1987, 2000, 2004, 2012, and 2016.
Criteria were set to refine the analysis sample. A lower age limit of 25 was selected, considering that individuals below 25 might not have completed their educational journey. Small sample sizes for certain religious denominations, such as Jewish respondents, were excluded. The final sample comprised 10,289 individuals, split into 4,961 men and 5,328 women, including 5,272 non-Hispanic Whites, 3,112 African-Americans, and 1,904 Hispanics.
Religious affiliations were categorized into Conservative Protestants (CPs), Mainline Protestants (MPs), Roman Catholics, and those with no religious affiliation. Religious participation was assessed based on service attendance frequency, categorized into more than weekly, weekly, less than weekly, and none (no attendance). The wage model also incorporated other variables, including the number of educational years completed, the presence of an interfaith marriage, employment sector, and geographic location. Education was considered a continuous variable, reflecting the total years of schooling. A dichotomous variable was used to indicate interfaith marriages to understand potential unique family dynamics since interfaith marriage has an influence on fertility and labor force participation decisions, which will have an indirect effect on wages. Geographic variations were accounted for with dummy variables for Northeast, North Central, West, and South regions, along with an additional rural variable.
V. Methodology
In this study, the relationship between engagement in religious activities and wage levels was independently evaluated for MPs, CPs, and Catholics using mixed-effects regressions to detect nonlinearity. To conduct this analysis, the Human Capital Earnings Function (HCEF) was employed as the foundational analytical structure and this model was modified to incorporate religious affiliation and participation as key factors influencing wages. The modified version of the model is represented as follows:
$$\displaylines{\ln{\left({WAGE}_{it}\right)}=\alpha_i+\gamma_t+\sum_{m=1}^{l-1}{\beta_{1m}{RELIG_AFF}_{imt}+}\sum_{j=1}^{k-1}{\beta_{2j}{RELIG_PART}_{ijt}+}\beta_3{IND}_{it}\\
+\beta_4{EDUC}_{it}+\beta_5{GEO_REG}_{it}+{\beta_6{INTERFAITH}_{it}+\beta}_7{RUR}_{it}+\varepsilon_{it}}$$
where WAGEit represents the natural logarithm of hourly wage rate for individual i at time t . RELIG_AFFimt represents l-1 dichotomous variables indicating the religious affiliation of individual i (Catholicism is withheld as benchmark). Catholicism is chosen as the baseline for regression due to its historical centrality, demographic representativeness, and institutional stability. Its doctrinal balance between conservative and liberal theological stances and its comprehensive social teachings offers a well-rounded ethical framework for comparison. From a statistical perspective, the large population and socioeconomic diversity within the Catholic population ensures robust and reliable regression estimates, which means Catholicism’s broad demographic spread supports the validity of the regression model. RELIG_PARTijt represents k – 1 dichotomous variables indicating the religious participation of individual (the weekly attendance at religious services is withheld as benchmark). The control variables are the years of schooling as a continuous variable, the industry or sector where the individual works as a categorical variable with dichotomous indicators, the region of residence is a categorical variable with dichotomous indicators for each region (the South region serves as the benchmark); the rural residence is a dichotomous variable for the rural effect; and interfaith variable is a dichotomous variable to determine whether the individual is in an interfaith marriage.
VI. The Impact of Religious Affiliation on Wage Levels for Women
In the preliminary phase of our investigation, we explored the relationship between religious affiliation and income disparities, revealing distinct patterns among various religious groups. Through the application of mixed-effects regression models, our study discerned significant correlations between religious affiliation and income levels among women who identify as MP and CP. Our results demonstrate that, in comparison to their Catholic counterparts, MP women exhibit a wage deficit of approximately 4%, while CP women experience a more substantial wage penalty of around 6.6%. This discrepancy may stem from a propensity among MP and CP women to engage in employment within sectors or occupations traditionally associated with lower compensation, which could be influenced by personal choices or societal norms linked to their religious beliefs. Such alignment with lower-paying sectors might be attributed to the valuation of certain types of work within these religious communities or to varying levels of educational attainment that correspond with these sectors. Additionally, patterns of workforce participation, such as higher instances of part-time employment or career interruptions for familial obligations among CP women, may reflect traditional gender roles more prevalently endorsed within conservative religious communities. These patterns contribute to lower average wages due to reduced working hours and the adverse effects of career breaks on wage progression.
Furthermore, it is plausible that MP and CP women are less inclined to pursue higher education or enter traditionally higher-paying fields, which could account for the observed wage disparities. This effect may be mediated by religious norms and values that prioritize family commitments over professional aspirations or that guide women towards specific educational paths or careers. Cultural and religious norms may also influence negotiation behaviors and salary expectations, with women from MP and CP backgrounds potentially less likely to engage in assertive salary negotiations due to cultural norms emphasizing modesty and submission, especially pronounced in more conservative communities. This reluctance to negotiate can result in lower initial salaries and hinder wage growth over time.
Moreover, our analysis sheds light on the intricate relationship between race, religious affiliation, and wage disparities among women in the labor market. Controlling for religion, the primary effects reveal that race significantly affects wage levels, with Black women experiencing a marked wage penalty of approximately 17.2% relative to their White peers. The interaction terms, assessing the combined influence of race and religion on wages, generally align closely with the wage levels of White Roman Catholic women, the reference group. However, exceptions include the interaction of African American identity with MP affiliation, which exhibits a notable negative impact (β = 0.06, p = 0.103), and the interaction of Hispanic identity with CP affiliation, significantly negative (β = -0.174, p=0.004), indicating that African- American women identifying as MP and Hispanic women identifying as CP face significant wage deficits compared to the baseline group of White Roman Catholic women. These disparities may arise from dual discrimination—both racial and religious—exacerbating their disadvantage in the labor market. Additionally, the role of social capital and networks, as facilitated by religious communities, may differentially impact labor market outcomes based on race. White Roman Catholic women may benefit from more advantageous networks than their African American MP and Hispanic CP counterparts, contributing to the wage disparities observed. The intersection of race and religion may further affect educational pathways and field of study choices, subsequently influencing occupational outcomes and wages. Discrimination and socioeconomic factors could restrict access to higher education or direct individuals towards less remunerative fields.
TABLE 1: ASSOCIATION BETWEEN RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION AND WAGE RATES FOR WOMEN AND MEN
| VARIABLES | Log Wages of Women | Log Wages of Men |
|---|---|---|
| No Religion | 0.0418 (0.0299) |
-0.0550* (0.0301) |
| Mainline Protestant | -0.0391* (0.0226) |
0.00857 (0.0252) |
| Conservative Protestant | -0.0660*** (0.0235) |
-0.107*** (0.0273) |
| Black | -0.123*** (0.0196) |
-0.225*** (0.0227) |
| Hispanic | -0.00339 (0.0231) |
-0.0893*** (0.0259) |
| North East | 0.116*** (0.0237) |
0.0973*** (0.0264) |
| North Central | 0.00963 (0.0201) |
-0.0189 (0.0229) |
| West | 0.0929*** (0.0224) |
0.106*** (0.0246) |
| Interfaith | 0.0254* (0.0154) |
0.180*** (0.0172) |
| Mining | 0.484*** (0.184) |
0.495*** (0.109) |
| Construction | 0.391*** (0.102) |
0.366*** (0.0562) |
| Manufacturing | 0.328*** (0.0858) |
0.412*** (0.0545) |
| Wholesale and Retail Trade_ | -0.000189 (0.0848) |
0.204*** (0.0560) |
| Finance, Insurance, and Real Estate | 0.364*** (0.0875) |
0.452*** (0.0652) |
| Transportation, Communication, and Utilities | 0.388*** (0.0889) |
0.455*** (0.0567) |
| Professional, Scientific, and Technical Services | 0.156* (0.0840) |
0.193*** (0.0556) |
| Community, Social, Welfare, and Personal Services | 0.0335 (0.0847) |
0.152*** (0.0581) |
| Public Administration | 0.415*** (0.0876) |
0.376*** (0.0608) |
| URBANRURAL_ | 0.0392** (0.0172) |
0.0149 (0.0194) |
| Age_ | 0.0646*** (0.00127) |
0.0640*** (0.00126) |
| Grade_ | 0.0985*** (0.00324) |
0.108*** (0.00361) |
| Constant | -2.526*** (0.105) |
-2.470*** (0.0865) |
| Observations | 6,280 | 6,340 |
Standard errors in parentheses
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
TABLE 2: IMPACT OF INTERSECTION OF RACE AND RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION ON WAGE RATES FOR WOMEN AND MEN
| VARIABLES | Log Wages of Women | Log Wages of Men |
|---|---|---|
| No Religion | 0.137 (0.103) |
0.213** (0.103) |
| Mainline Protestant | 0.00569 (0.0745) |
0.146* (0.0878) |
| Conservative Protestant | 0.158** (0.0702) |
0.0933 (0.0895) |
| Black | -0.172*** (0.0377) |
-0.258*** (0.0482) |
| Hispanic | -0.0309 (0.0296) |
-0.136*** (0.0329) |
| Black_NoReligion | -0.00440 (0.0784) |
-0.00313 (0.0767) |
| Black_MainlineProtestant | -0.0596* (0.0514) |
-0.0662 (0.0663) |
| Black_ConservativeProtestant | -0.0746 (0.0470) |
-0.0220 (0.0582) |
| Hispanic_NoReligion | -0.0919 (0.0754) |
-0.273*** (0.0778) |
| Hispanic_MainlineProtestant | 0.0177 (0.0598) |
-0.0639 (0.0641) |
| Hispanic_ConservativeProtestant | -0.174*** (0.0602) |
-0.162** (0.0761) |
| North East | 0.118*** (0.0237) |
0.104*** (0.0264) |
| North Central | 0.00955 (0.0201) |
-0.0148 (0.0230) |
| West | 0.0898*** (0.0224) |
0.111*** (0.0247) |
| Mining | 0.480*** (0.184) |
0.499*** (0.109) |
| Construction | 0.392*** (0.102) |
0.360*** (0.0562) |
| Manufacturing | 0.329*** (0.0858) |
0.407*** (0.0546) |
| Wholesale and Retail Trade | -0.00145 (0.0848) |
0.197*** (0.0560) |
| Finance, Insurance, and Real Estate | 0.361*** (0.0874) |
0.448*** (0.0653) |
| Transportation, Communication, Utilities | 0.386*** (0.0889) |
0.449*** (0.0568) |
| Professional, Scientific, and Technical Services | 0.156* (0.0839) |
0.186*** (0.0556) |
| Community, Social, Welfare, And Personal Services | 0.0338 (0.0847) |
0.142** (0.0581) |
| Public Administration | 0.413*** (0.0875) |
0.374*** (0.0609) |
| Interfaith | 0.0276* (0.0154) |
0.184*** (0.0172) |
| URBANRURAL_ | 0.0397** (0.0172) |
0.0204 (0.0194) |
| Age_ | 0.0644*** (0.00127) |
0.0639*** (0.00127) |
| Grade_ | 0.0982*** (0.00324) |
0.107*** (0.00362) |
| Constant | -2.516*** (0.105) |
-2.479*** (0.0870) |
| Observations | 6,280 | 6,340 |
Standard errors in parentheses
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
In our exploration of the interplay between religious affiliation and geographical location, our analysis illuminated that the influence of religious affiliation on wage disparities is markedly modulated by regional context. Notably, the interaction term between CP affiliation and residence in the Northeast region demonstrated a positive and statistically significant effect (β = 0.162, p < 0.05), indicating that CP women in the Northeast command higher wages in comparison to their Roman Catholic counterparts in the Southern reference region. Similarly, MP women in the Northeast also enjoy elevated wage levels relative to the benchmark group, as evidenced by a substantial positive coefficient (β = 0.113, p = 0.01). Conversely, all coefficients pertaining to the interaction between the North Central region and any religious affiliation did not achieve statistical significance, implying that within the North Central region, wage levels for MP and CP individuals do not significantly diverge from those of Roman Catholics in the South.
TABLE 3: IMPACT OF INTERSECTION OF GEOGRAPHIC REGION AND RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION ON WAGE RATES FOR WOMEN AND MEN
| VARIABLES | Log Wages of Women | Log Wages of Men |
|---|---|---|
| No Religion | 0.180 (0.148) |
-0.198 (0.143) |
| Mainline Protestant | -0.0778 (0.100) |
0.0146 (0.117) |
| Conservative Protestant | -0.262** (0.104) |
-0.164 (0.117) |
| North East | 0.192*** (0.0361) |
0.125*** (0.0416) |
| North Central | 0.0190 (0.0362) |
0.0228 (0.0418) |
| West | 0.0879** (0.0351) |
0.136*** (0.0389) |
| NorthEast_NoReligion | 0.0582 (0.0919) |
0.101 (0.0852) |
| NorthEast_MainlineProtestant | 0.113** (0.0574) |
-0.0516 (0.0677) |
| NorthEast_ConservativeProtestant | 0.162** (0.0644) |
0.0652 (0.0710) |
| NorthCentral_NoReligion | -0.0884 (0.0755) |
0.104 (0.0750) |
| NorthCentral_MainlineProtestant | -0.00300 (0.0508) |
0.0439 (0.0588) |
| NorthCentral_ConservativeProtestant | 0.0251 (0.0501) |
0.0177 (0.0589) |
| West_NoReligion | -0.137* (0.0715) |
0.0300 (0.0723) |
| West_MainlineProtestant | -0.0328 (0.0554) |
0.0610 (0.0641) |
| West_ConservativeProtestant | 0.0684 (0.0575) |
0.0465 (0.0634) |
| Black | -0.127*** (0.0196) |
-0.237*** (0.0227) |
| Hispanic | 0.0135 (0.0230) |
-0.0697*** (0.0263) |
| Mining | 0.495*** (0.184) |
0.493*** (0.109) |
| Construction | 0.396*** (0.102) |
0.359*** (0.0562) |
| Manufacturing | 0.330*** (0.0858) |
0.405*** (0.0546) |
| Wholesale And Retail Trade | 0.00301 (0.0848) |
0.196*** (0.0561) |
| Finance, Insurance, and Real Estate | 0.368*** (0.0874) |
0.447*** (0.0653) |
| Transportation, Communication, Utilities | 0.390*** (0.0889) |
0.451*** (0.0568) |
| Professional, Scientific, and Technical Services | 0.160* (0.0839) |
0.187*** (0.0556) |
| Community, Social, Welfare, and Personal Services | 0.0379 (0.0846) |
0.145** (0.0582) |
| Public Administration | 0.421*** (0.0875) |
0.373*** (0.0609) |
| Interfaith | 0.0225 (0.0155) |
0.184*** (0.0173) |
| URBANRURAL | 0.0413** (0.0172) |
0.0203 (0.0195) |
| Age_ | 0.0648*** (0.00127) |
0.0639*** (0.00127) |
| Grade_ | 0.0988*** (0.00325) |
0.108*** (0.00362) |
| Constant | -2.583*** (0.106) |
-2.531*** (0.0889) |
| Observations | 6,280 | 6,340 |
Standard errors in parentheses
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
Intriguingly, the interaction involving the Western region and a lack of religious affiliation yielded a negative coefficient (β = -0.137, p = 0.05), suggesting that being non-religious in the West may correlate with lower wages compared to being Roman Catholic in the South. This phenomenon may be attributable to the divergent cultural and social norms between the West and the South, which could exert an influence on wage structures. The Southern region, possibly characterized by a more homogeneous cultural framework with robust religious foundations, may foster a supportive or less discriminatory environment for Roman Catholic women in the workforce. In contrast, the Western region, often perceived as more secular and diverse, where non-religious identities are commonplace, might not confer any wage advantage for its non-religious population. Religious affiliation frequently serves as a form of social capital, offering networks that facilitate job search and career progression. In the Southern context, identifying as Roman Catholic could grant access to such advantageous networks, whereas in the West, with its potentially larger non-religious demographic, this social capital benefit may be diminished or less evident. Regions with a predominant religious affiliation might afford economic benefits to individuals aligning with the majority, or conversely, economic penalties to those who do not. These insights reveal a regional modulation of the effect of religious affiliation, with the Northeast region displaying a distinct pattern of wage differentials, underscoring the complex relationship between religion, geography, and economic outcomes.
Our analysis further delved into the complex interplay among industry affiliation, religious denomination, and wage disparities for women in the labor force, particularly contrasting these dynamics against the benchmarks set by the Agriculture, Forestry, and Fisheries industry and the Roman Catholic religious affiliation. The analysis of industry coefficients reveals minimal significant departures from the agricultural benchmark. However, when examining the interaction terms with religious affiliation, a more nuanced portrait of wage disparities emerges. Women without religious affiliation exhibit a statistically significant wage premium across a diverse array of industries, including mining, construction, manufacturing, wholesale and retail trade, finance, insurance, and real estate, transportation, communication, and utilities, professional, scientific, and technical services, and public administration. This indicates a sector-specific wage advantage over their Catholic counterparts in the Agriculture, Forestry, and Fisheries sector. Conversely, MP women achieve a statistically significant wage premium within sectors such as Mining, Construction, Finance, Insurance, and Real Estate, Transportation, Communication, and Utilities, Professional, Scientific, and Technical services, Community, Social, Welfare, and Personal services, and Public Administration. For CP women, a significant wage advantage is observed exclusively within the Mining, Construction, Transportation, Communication, and Utilities, and Public Administration sectors. These findings highlight the diverse impact of the intersection between religious affiliation and industry involvement on wage outcomes, illustrating that this effect is not uniformly experienced across all sectors.
The observed variance in wage premiums across industries for women of different religious affiliations, or those lacking one, suggests that the economic valuation and cultural perceptions of various industries interact distinctively with religious identity. Sectors such as Mining, Construction, Finance, Insurance, and Real estate, which are traditionally viewed as more lucrative but male-dominated, might evaluate the contributions of women, particularly those who are non-religious or from specific religious denominations, in a distinct manner, leading to different wage outcomes. Existing literature in labor economics and the sociology of religion has demonstrated that religious beliefs can shape work ethics, professional interactions, and networking within specific industries. Women who are non-religious or belong to certain denominations may align more closely with the secular and liberal values predominant in higher-paying, competitive sectors like Finance, Insurance, Real Estate, and Technical Services, potentially accounting for the observed wage premium.
TABLE 4: IMPACT OF INTERSECTION OF INDUSTRY AND RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION ON WAGE RATES FOR WOMEN AND MEN
| VARIABLES | Log Wages of Women | Log Wages of Men |
|---|---|---|
| Mining | -0.281 (0.329) |
0.689*** (0.172) |
| Construction | -0.0447 (0.191) |
0.578*** (0.0946) |
| Manufacturing | 0.0827 (0.149) |
0.588*** (0.0922) |
| Wholesale and Retail Trade | -0.221 (0.148) |
0.371*** (0.0940) |
| Finance, Insurance, and Real Estate | 0.0841 (0.152) |
0.775*** (0.106) |
| Transportation, Communication, Utilities | 0.0861 (0.153) |
0.658*** (0.0956) |
| Professional, Scientific, And Technical Services | -0.0893 (0.146) |
0.387*** (0.0931) |
| Community, Social, Welfare, And Personal Services | -0.226 (0.146) |
0.341*** (0.0972) |
| Public Administration | 0.0961 (0.152) |
0.623*** (0.101) |
| No Religion | -0.491* (0.254) |
0.0111 (0.161) |
| Mainline Protestant | -0.402** (0.204) |
0.280** (0.134) |
| Conservative Protestant | -0.474** (0.237) |
0.313** (0.131) |
| MiningNoReligion | 2.426*** (0.709) |
0.0761 (0.369) |
| Construction_NoReligion | 0.873*** (0.331) |
-0.0676 (0.176) |
| Manufacturing_NoReligion | 0.571** (0.270) |
-0.123 (0.173) |
| Wholesale&RetailTrade_NoReligion | 0.471* (0.263) |
-0.00961 (0.177) |
| Finance, Insurance, Real Estate_NoReligion | 0.627** (0.271) |
-0.287 (0.214) |
| Transportation, Communication, Utilities_NoReligion | 0.637** (0.284) |
-0.167 (0.182) |
| Professional, Scientific, Technical Services_NoReligion | 0.548** (0.259) |
0.0696 (0.174) |
| Community, Social, Welfare, Personal Services_NoReligion | 0.460* (0.260) |
0.0637 (0.180) |
| Public Administration_NoReligion | 0.521* (0.275) |
-0.388** (0.193) |
| Mining_MainlineProtestant | 0.972** (0.465) |
-0.571** (0.272) |
| Construction_MainlineProtestant | 0.607** (0.259) |
-0.319** (0.148) |
| Manufacturing_MainlineProtestant | 0.323 (0.213) |
-0.265* (0.143) |
| Wholesale&Retail Trade_MainlineProtestant | 0.220 (0.210) |
-0.236 (0.147) |
| Finance, Insurance, Real Estate_MainlineProtestant | 0.446** (0.216) |
-0.443*** (0.164) |
| Transportation, Communication, tilities_MainlineProtestant | 0.405* (0.219) |
-0.336** (0.149) |
| Professional, Scientific, And Technical Services_MainlineProtestant | 0.351* (0.206) |
-0.228 (0.144) |
| Community, Social, Welfare, Personal Services_MainlineProtestant | 0.382* (0.207) |
-0.312** (0.152) |
| Public Administration_MainlineProtestant | 0.400* (0.216) |
-0.337** (0.161) |
| Mining_ConservativeProtestant | 0.984** (0.481) |
-0.217 (0.288) |
| Construction_ConservativeProtestant | 0.504* (0.289) |
-0.469*** (0.143) |
| Manufacturing_ConservativeProtestant | 0.330 (0.243) |
-0.394*** (0.139) |
| Wholesale&Retail Trade_ConservativeProtestant | 0.387 (0.241) |
-0.389*** (0.142) |
| Finance, Insurance, Real Estate_ConservativeProtestant | 0.353 (0.247) |
-0.717*** (0.167) |
| Transportation, Communication, Utilities_ConservativeProtestant0 | 0.464* (0.249) |
-0.391*** (0.143) |
| Professional, Scientific, Technical Services_ConservativeProtestant | 0.334 (0.239) |
-0.552*** (0.140) |
| Community, Social, Welfare, Personal Services_ConservativeProtestant | 0.390 (0.239) |
-0.452*** (0.144) |
| Public Administration_ConservativeProtestant | 0.543** (0.246) |
-0.449*** (0.152) |
| Black | -0.132*** (0.0193) |
-0.228*** (0.0224) |
| Hispanic | 0.00700 (0.0221) |
-0.0612** (0.0246) |
| Interfaith | 0.0216 (0.0154) |
0.178*** (0.0172) |
| URBANRURAL | 0.0496*** (0.0172) |
0.0322* (0.0193) |
| Age_ | 0.0643*** (0.00128) |
0.0642*** (0.00126) |
| Grade_ | 0.0986*** (0.00325) |
0.108*** (0.00362) |
| Constant | -2.213*** (0.157) |
-2.647*** (0.110) |
| Observations | 6,280 | 6,341 |
Standard errors in parentheses
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
Furthermore, the relationship between religious affiliation and industry might also reflect deeper patterns of occupational segregation and discrimination. Certain sectors may exhibit more openness or bias against women based on their religious identity, influencing wage levels. For example, MP and non-religious women may encounter more inclusive environments in industries such as professional, scientific, and technical services or public administration, resulting in more favorable wage outcomes. The perception of employers regarding cultural fit could impact hiring and wage determination processes. Women who are non-religious or from certain denominations might be deemed more compatible with traditionally secular or liberal industries, conferring wage benefits in those areas. The congruence between the values upheld by specific industries and the personal values of women from particular religious backgrounds or those without religious affiliation could enhance job satisfaction, motivation, and performance, indirectly influencing wage levels through increased productivity or the negotiation for better compensation.
VII. The Impact of Religious Affiliation on Wage Levels for Men
Our analysis delves into the effects of religious affiliation on wage levels among men in the United States, providing a thorough examination to elucidate these complex relationships. The findings reveal no statistically significant wage differences for men identifying with Mainline Protestantism compared to their Roman Catholic counterparts, indicating a neutral impact of this religious identity on earnings. Conversely, men without religious affiliation and those identifying as CP experience a discernible wage penalty, with coefficients of (β = -0.055, p = 0.068) and (β = -0.107, p < 0.01), respectively. The absence of significant wage disparities between MPs and Roman Catholics may suggest shared socio-economic characteristics or a similar valuation in the U.S. labor market, possibly attributed to comparable social capital, educational levels, or integration within certain economic sectors. The wage penalty observed for non-religious men might underscore the value of social capital derived from religious community participation, which can influence employment prospects and career progression. This penalty could also reflect societal biases or trust concerns, where religious community membership is viewed favorably by employers. The more pronounced wage penalty for CP men may be attributed to a variety of factors, including a potential prioritization of religious or familial commitments over professional advancement, acceptance of lower wages for value-aligned work, or discrimination within specific economic sectors. Additionally, educational decisions influenced by religious beliefs could adversely affect long-term earning potential.
Subsequent analysis sheds light on the intricate dynamics at the intersection of religious affiliation, race, and wage determinants within the American labor market. Non-religious men generally exhibit a wage advantage over Roman Catholic men, though this benefit significantly decreases among Hispanic men, as indicated by a negative interaction term (β = -0.273, p < 0.01). MP affiliation does not yield a significant wage difference relative to Roman Catholic men, a consistency maintained across racial categories. However, for CP men, particularly those of Hispanic descent, an additional negative wage impact is significant (β = -0.162, p < 0.05), pointing to a compounded disadvantage at the intersection of Hispanic identity and CP affiliation. Black men face a substantial wage penalty irrespective of religious affiliation, with interaction terms not showing significant religious effect variations within this group. These findings suggest that secular identities may offer advantages in certain economic sectors, potentially due to perceived alignment with modern or secular values. However, the negative interaction term for Hispanic men indicates that these advantages do not uniformly extend across racial lines, possibly due to compounded stereotypes or differences in accessible social capital. The uniformity of wage impacts for MPs across races suggests a perceived neutrality of this religious identity in the labor market. In contrast, the compounded wage penalty for Hispanic CPs highlights the complex intersection of racial and religious identities, potentially perceived as marginalized in certain sectors.
The pervasive wage penalties for Black men, irrespective of religious affiliation, underscore the dominant impact of racial discrimination in the U.S. labor market. The interaction of prejudices based on religion and race can complicate economic opportunities, with Hispanic CP men possibly facing compounded stereotypes related to their ethnic and religious identities. The economic implications of different religious and racial identities vary, with secular or MP affiliations potentially aligning more closely with dominant economic values, whereas CP Hispanics may find their social capital less economically advantageous. These disparities underscore the need to consider the nuanced ways in which religious and racial identities intersect with educational attainment, occupational segregation, and systemic barriers, ultimately shaping wage outcomes in the labor market.
Our study reveals that regional disparities within the United States have a significant impact on men’s wage levels, with both the Northeast and West regions demonstrating a positive and statistically significant wage premium over the South. Notably, our analysis of the interaction between religious affiliation and regional location does not uncover significant variances, indicating that the wage effects of religious affiliation do not vary substantially across different regions. This consistency suggests that wage disparities associated with religious affiliation are neither significantly exacerbated nor diminished by geographic factors in the Northeast, North Central, and West regions compared to the South. The observed wage premium in the Northeast and West may be attributed to factors such as higher living costs, a concentration of higher-paying industries, and unique labor market dynamics, including the demand for specific skills.
The uniform impact of religious affiliation on wages across regions implies that the mechanisms through which religious affiliation influences wages—whether through social capital, cultural values, or experiences of discrimination—remain relatively consistent throughout the U.S. This finding suggests that socioeconomic advantages or disadvantages linked to particular religious identities are not heavily influenced by regional economic conditions or cultural attitudes. It may indicate that certain industries and professions, which are more national or even global in their scope, have wage determinants that align more closely with industry-wide standards rather than regional variations. Consequently, religious affiliation may exert a consistent influence on socioeconomic outcomes across different regions.
Furthermore, we probe into the intricate nexus between industry employment, religious affiliation, and wage disparities for men, unraveling the complex patterns that underpin these relationships within the labor market. Employment across all industries is shown to offer a significant wage premium compared to the Agriculture, Forestry, and Fisheries baseline, with the intersection of these industries and religious affiliation revealing intricate patterns. While men identifying as MP or CP generally experience a wage advantage over their Roman Catholic counterparts, this benefit does not uniformly persist across all sectors. Specifically, for MP men, this wage benefit is negated in all industries with the exception of Wholesale and Retail Trade and Professional, Scientific, and Technical Services, where the advantage remains statistically significant. Conversely, CP men exhibit a significant negative wage differential in almost all industries, apart from Mining.
These nuanced interaction effects highlight that the positive wage association with Protestant affiliations is not universal and can be significantly influenced by the industry context. The pattern observed, where MP men benefit in certain sectors, suggests that the advantages associated with MP affiliation, such as social capital and cultural values conducive to economic success, are particularly relevant or valued in specific industries. The pronounced negative wage differential for CP men in nearly all sectors, excluding Mining, suggests a complex interplay between the cultural, social, and possibly educational backgrounds associated with Conservative Protestantism and the demands of most industries. This may reflect a misalignment between the skills, values, or networks prevalent within CP communities and those valued across the broader industry spectrum.
The sector-specific valuation of social capital, work ethic, and networks associated with specific religious affiliations suggests that industries emphasizing innovation and technical expertise may align well with the backgrounds or networks common in MP communities. Conversely, CP men may encounter biases or a cultural mismatch in industries that prioritize secular or liberal norms, explaining the widespread negative wage differentials. The economic structures of various sectors, including labor demands, regulatory environments, and market dynamics, play a crucial role in how religious affiliation intersects with wage outcomes, potentially influencing the degree of wage variance observed due to religious affiliation in sectors characterized by differing levels of unionization or formal wage structures.
VIII. The Impact of Religious Attendance (participation) on Wage Levels
Exploring the effects of religious participation on wage levels, our analysis finds nuanced results among women of different religious affiliations. For MP women, the data suggests a wage decrease of 5.6% for those not attending religious services regularly, compared to their counterparts who attend weekly, although this finding does not reach statistical significance (p > 0.10). Similarly, attendance at religious services less frequently or more frequently than weekly is associated with wage penalties of 19.6% and 17.3%, respectively, yet these differences also fail to attain statistical significance. For CP women, the analysis indicates a wage premium across various frequencies of religious service attendance compared to weekly attendance, though these results do not achieve statistical significance (p > 0.10). Catholic women’s wages also do not exhibit statistically significant variations based on their frequency of religious attendance, with all coefficients indicating a wage penalty for non-attendance and irregular attendance, yet lacking statistical significance (p > 0.10).
This pattern suggests that individuals who choose to attend religious services regularly might differ systematically from those who do not, in ways that also affect their potential to earn higher wages. For example, they might have personality traits or life circumstances that both incline them towards regular religious participation and make them more successful in the job market. The wage penalties for irregular attendance might reflect a mismatch between the cultural norms and values emphasized within religious communities and those valued in the workplace. For instance, if weekly attendance is culturally expected within a religious community, those not conforming to this norm might face social sanctions or reduced social capital, indirectly affecting their wage potential.
TABLE 5: WITHIN RELIGION EFFECTS OF RELIGIOUS PARTICIPATION ON WAGE RATES FOR MAINLINE PROTESTANT MEN AND WOMEN
| VARIABLES | Log Wages of Women | Log Wages of Men |
|---|---|---|
| None | -0.0560 (0.0465) |
-0.0526 (0.0584) |
| Less than weekly | -0.0196 (0.0374) |
0.0259 (0.0435) |
| More often than weekly | -0.0174 (0.0540) |
-0.00488 (0.0594) |
| Black | -0.107*** (0.0384) |
-0.187*** (0.0494) |
| Hispanic | -0.0539 (0.0545) |
-0.0421 (0.0615) |
| North East | 0.0768* (0.0448) |
0.177*** (0.0549) |
| North Central | 0.0284 (0.0377) |
-0.0141 (0.0447) |
| West | 0.140*** (0.0447) |
0.0846 (0.0541) |
| Interfaith | -0.0140 (0.0303) |
0.157*** (0.0361) |
| Mining | 0.658** (0.326) |
0.0915 (0.214) |
| Construction | 0.540*** (0.173) |
0.224* (0.116) |
| Manufacturing | 0.403*** (0.150) |
0.271** (0.111) |
| Wholesale And Retail Trade | -0.0139 (0.147) |
0.0753 (0.115) |
| Finance, Insurance, and Real Estate | 0.524*** (0.153) |
0.234* (0.130) |
| Transportation, Communication, Utilities | 0.495*** (0.156) |
0.257** (0.117) |
| Professional, Scientific, and Technical Services | 0.253* (0.145) |
0.0801 (0.113) |
| Community, Social, Welfare, and Personal Services | 0.169 (0.148) |
-0.0855 (0.123) |
| Public Administration | 0.491*** (0.153) |
0.207 (0.128) |
| URBANRURAL | 0.00847 (0.0324) |
0.0502 (0.0391) |
| Age_ | 0.0618*** (0.00263) |
0.0681*** (0.00277) |
| Grade_ | 0.0954*** (0.00639) |
0.124*** (0.00740) |
| Constant | -2.437*** (0.195) |
-2.748*** (0.183) |
| Observations | 1,601 | 1,479 |
Standard errors in parentheses
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
TABLE 6: WITHIN RELIGION EFFECTS OF RELIGIOUS PARTICIPATION ON WAGE RATES FOR CONSERVATIVE PROTESTANT MEN AND WOMEN
| VARIABLES | Log Wages of Women | Log Wages of Men |
|---|---|---|
| None | 0.0320 (0.0435) |
-0.0121 (0.0508) |
| Less than weekly | 0.0485 (0.0325) |
0.0673* (0.0392) |
| More often than weekly | 0.0149 (0.0453) |
0.0406 (0.0521) |
| Black | -0.114*** (0.0302) |
-0.247*** (0.0357) |
| Hispanic | 0.158*** (0.0541) |
0.0524 (0.0725) |
| North East | 0.0251 (0.0527) |
0.0593 (0.0584) |
| North Central | 0.00633 (0.0345) |
0.0112 (0.0432) |
| West | -0.0209 (0.0475) |
0.0781 (0.0539) |
| Interfaith | 0.0498* (0.0276) |
0.179*** (0.0318) |
| Mining | 0.636* (0.343) |
0.474** (0.235) |
| Construction | 0.402* (0.214) |
0.113 (0.109) |
| Manufacturing | 0.369* (0.189) |
0.196* (0.105) |
| Wholesale and Retail Trade | 0.113 (0.188) |
-0.0224 (0.109) |
| Finance, Insurance, and Real Estate | 0.367* (0.193) |
0.0819 (0.133) |
| Transportation, Communication, Utilities | 0.501*** (0.194) |
0.275** (0.109) |
| Professional, Scientific, and Technical Services | 0.196 (0.187) |
-0.165 (0.108) |
| Community, Social, Welfare, and Personal Services | 0.105 (0.188) |
-0.0758 (0.111) |
| Public Administration | 0.578*** (0.192) |
0.180 (0.116) |
| URBANRURAL_ | 0.0764** (0.0306) |
0.0513 (0.0368) |
| Age_ | 0.0654*** (0.00225) |
0.0572*** (0.00234) |
| Grade_ | 0.0956*** (0.00624) |
0.0975*** (0.00750) |
| Constant | -2.729*** (0.211) |
-1.967*** (0.163) |
| Observations | 1,972 | 1,897 |
Standard errors in parentheses
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
TABLE 7: WITHIN RELIGION EFFECTS OF RELIGIOUS PARTICIPATION ON WAGE RATES FOR CATHOLIC PROTESTANT MEN AND WOMEN
| VARIABLES | Log Wages of Women | Log Wages of Men |
|---|---|---|
| None | -0.0687 (0.0568) |
0.00305 (0.0533) |
| Less than weekly | -0.0260 (0.0359) |
1.09e-05 (0.0349) |
| More often than weekly | -0.0759 (0.0599) |
-0.0489 (0.0526) |
| Black | -0.135** (0.0645) |
-0.224*** (0.0750) |
| Hispanic | -0.0765** (0.0374) |
-0.196*** (0.0373) |
| North East | 0.136*** (0.0449) |
0.100** (0.0448) |
| North Central | -0.0771 (0.0472) |
0.0131 (0.0473) |
| West | 0.0375 (0.0432) |
0.173*** (0.0412) |
| Interfaith | -0.00539 (0.0312) |
0.215*** (0.0309) |
| Mining | -0.414 (0.359) |
0.728*** (0.169) |
| Construction | -0.154 (0.242) |
0.621*** (0.0938) |
| Manufacturing | -0.0400 (0.197) |
0.579*** (0.0910) |
| Wholesale and Retail Trade | -0.369* (0.197) |
0.358*** (0.0932) |
| Finance, Insurance, and Real Estate | -0.0843 (0.200) |
0.763*** (0.105) |
| Transportation, Communication, Utilities | -0.0389 (0.204) |
0.634*** (0.0946) |
| Professional, Scientific, and Technical Services | -0.229 (0.195) |
0.430*** (0.0928) |
| Community, Social, Welfare, And Personal Services | -0.361* (0.196) |
0.323*** (0.0978) |
| Public Administration | -0.0384 (0.202) |
0.670*** (0.100) |
| URBANRURAL_ | 0.0316 (0.0371) |
-0.0252 (0.0365) |
| Age_ | 0.0649*** (0.00259) |
0.0659*** (0.00230) |
| Grade_ | 0.101*** (0.00608) |
0.101*** (0.00628) |
| Constant | -2.068*** (0.234) |
-2.635*** (0.154) |
| Observations | 1,583 | 1,683 |
Standard errors in parentheses
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
Turning to the impact on men, MP men who do not attend religious services or attend more than weekly exhibit a negative wage differential compared to weekly attendees, though these differences are not statistically significant (p > 0.10). Interestingly, CP men attending services less than weekly exhibit a wage premium of about 6.7% over their weekly-attending peers, a result bordering on statistical significance (p = 0.08). For Catholic men, the analysis reveals no significant wage disparities across different attendance frequencies. The lack of significant differences in wage levels for MP men across different frequencies of religious attendance suggests that, for this group, religious participation may not play a significant role in determining wages. This could be attributed to the possibility that, within MP communities, the social or network benefits of religious participation that might impact employment and wage levels are equally accessible regardless of attendance frequency. The statistically significant wage premium for CP men attending religious services less than weekly, compared to their weekly-attending peers, is intriguing. This finding might reflect the value placed on individualistic expressions of faith over institutional religious participation within some CP communities. Alternatively, it could indicate that those attending less than weekly are engaging in other forms of religious or social activities that enhance their human capital or social networks in ways that benefit their wage potential. The consistent lack of significant wage differences across varying levels of religious attendance among Catholic men suggests that, within this group, religious participation does not strongly influence wages. This could be due to a variety of factors, including the potential for greater heterogeneity within Catholic communities regarding how religious engagement is perceived and its implications for professional life.
The use of mixed-effects regression in this analysis, while revealing, may obscure more nuanced effects due to its assumptions of linearity and homogeneity across the wage distribution. A quantile regression approach, capable of identifying differential impacts across the wage distribution, might offer a more detailed examination of how religious participation influences wages across various income levels. This method could potentially uncover significant disparities in the relationship between religious participation and wages, providing a richer understanding of its economic effects across different religious and income groups.
IX. Conclusion
This study has provided a comprehensive examination of the nuanced relationship between religious affiliation and wage levels across different demographics and contexts within the United States labor market. By employing mixed-effects regression analysis, we have identified significant wage disparities linked to religious affiliation among women, with MP and CP women experiencing wage penalties relative to their Catholic counterparts. These disparities are attributed to factors such as occupational choices, levels of educational attainment, workforce participation patterns, and societal norms influenced by religious beliefs. Additionally, our analysis has highlighted the complex interplay between race, religion, and wage levels, revealing that African American and Hispanic women within certain religious affiliations face exacerbated wage penalties due to dual discrimination based on both racial and religious identities.
The regional context further modulates the impact of religious affiliation on wage disparities, underscoring the importance of geographical factors in the economic outcomes of religious groups. This regional variation is particularly evident in the Northeast, where CP and MP women command higher wages compared to their counterparts in the South. The intersection of religious affiliation with industry involvement also reveals sector-specific wage premiums and penalties, suggesting that the economic valuation of different industries interacts distinctively with religious identity.
For men, the impact of religious affiliation on wages presents a different pattern, with no significant wage disparities for MP men, but discernible penalties for non-religious and CP men. The effects of religious affiliation, race, and industry affiliation on wage levels among men further illustrate the multifaceted nature of these relationships, highlighting the role of societal biases, social capital, and cultural fit within various economic sectors.
The analysis of religious attendance suggests that regular participation in religious services does not uniformly affect wage levels across different religious affiliations, indicating that the social and economic benefits of religious participation may be contingent upon the broader social and occupational contexts of individuals.
This study underscores the complexity of the relationship between religious affiliation, gender, and economic outcomes, pointing to the need for further research that might employ methodologies such as quantile regression to explore these dynamics more deeply. It unveils critical insights with profound implications across multiple domains, necessitating a thoughtful reconsideration of workplace diversity policies, educational and career guidance practices, and the formulation of targeted social policies. The identification of wage disparities influenced by religious affiliations, especially among women and minority groups, underscores the urgent need for organizations to integrate religious identity into their diversity and inclusion frameworks, fostering environments that respect and accommodate diverse religious practices. This insight also calls for educational institutions and career services to offer customized guidance that respects the religious and cultural nuances influencing individuals’ career and educational pathways, aiming to bridge the gap between personal values and professional aspirations.
Furthermore, the findings advocate for the development of social policies that directly address the economic disadvantages faced by certain religious groups, through initiatives that enhance educational opportunities, enforce anti-discrimination measures, and facilitate labor market integration. The study also opens new avenues for academic inquiry, encouraging future research to delve deeper into the mechanisms linking religious affiliation with economic outcomes, employing interdisciplinary approaches and innovative methodologies to unravel the complex interplay between religion, economics, and social identity. Moreover, the regional differences highlighted in the study suggest that economic development strategies should be sensitive to the cultural and religious makeup of populations, leveraging the unique social capital of religious communities to foster regional economic growth and reduce disparities. Collectively, these implications call for a multi-faceted response from policymakers, educators, employers, and researchers alike, aiming to cultivate a more inclusive, equitable, and understanding society that recognizes the profound impact of religious affiliation on economic and social life.
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APPENDIX
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION VARIABLE CONSTRUCTION
| Religious Affiliation Category | Religious Denomination |
|---|---|
| No Religion | None
Unaffiliated Atheist Agnostic |
| Catholic | Roman Catholic |
| Mainline Protestant | Lutheran
Methodist Presbyterian Episcopalian Christian Reformed |
| Conservative Protestant | Baptist
Christian Seventh Day Adventist Pentecostal |
INDUSTRY CODE
| Industry Name | 70s Census Code | 2000 Census Code |
|---|---|---|
| Agriculture, Forestry, and Fisheries | 17 TO 28 | 170 TO 290 |
| Mining | 47 TO 57 | 370 TO 490 |
| Construction | 67 TO 77 | 770 |
| Manufacturing | 107 TO 398 | 1070 TO 3990 |
| Wholesale And Retail Trade | 507 TO 698 | 4070 TO 4590 4670 TO 5790 |
| Finance, Insurance, and Real Estate | 707 TO 718 | 6870 TO 6990 7070 TO 7190 |
| Transportation, Communication, Utilities | 407 TO 479 | 570 TO 690 6070 TO 6390 6470 TO 6780 |
| Professional, Scientific, And Technical Services | 727 TO 759 828 TO 897 |
7270 TO 7490 7570 TO 7790 |
| Community, Social, Welfare, and Personal Services | 769 TO 798 807 TO 809 |
7860 to 7890 7970 TO 8470 8560 TO 8590 8660 TO 8690 8770 TO 9290 |
| Public Administration and Active-Duty Military | 907 TO 937 | 9370 TO 9870 |